During the monotonous life on the islet Deshima every distraction for the virtually imprisoned Dutch, would have been welcome. (Deshima, means the island in [the] front) How the life at the islet was appears from the following notice: "... come previously mentioned ships here for Schisima or the Compagnie's residence to drop anchor" (Daily Reg. Japan August 14, 1646 The factory was initially since 1609 on Firando (Hirado) - see also for example the picture of the "De Loge op Firando" in: Montanus, Gedenkwaardige Gesantschappen, page 28 - but on May 11, 1641, the V.O.C. was told "that be bound to harbor their ships from now on in Nangasacque, to break up with their entire apportionment from Firando and to transport it to there" (Daily Reg. Japan). The move lasted from June 12 to 24, 1641 and on June 25, Chief Le Maire came for good from Hirado to Nagasaki. (The "Name list" mentions of Le Maire: "1641, May 21, moved from Firando to Deshima". Daily Reg. Bat. December 1635). The Dutchmen had to pull back to the islet which had been built in 1635 for the Portuguese (Daily Reg. Japan February 3/4, 1635) and of which François Caron gave the following description on July 29: "... went to pay a visit the lodgment or prison of the Portuguese, being a work, which is drawn from the water with stone and earth in the bay of Nangasackij on the South side, long a stadije or 600 feet long and 90 feet wide, on all sides with a tightly penned fence wherein two rows of houses and a street in-between, have a bridge to go from this island and a watergate where the Portuguese have to pass twice [during] a journey, to know, once when they come out of their galliots and once when they board again, without being allowed to set foot outside. Previously mentioned dwellings will be guarded day and night with several guard barques and guard houses" (Daily Reg. Japan). [A stadije can mean the Olympic stadi of which 600 went into a degree, and therefore 1 stadi = 184.7 m]
There was also an order with the following content:
"That no Dutchmen could go from the island without permission, that whores but no other women, Japanese Papists nor beggars were allowed to come to the Island". (Daily Reg. Japan August 19, 1641)
How, the employees of the V.O.C. had to behave during their stay at Hirado, becomes clear from a notice from the V.O.C. to its employees (Patr. Miss. October 3, 1637)
"Our men have to tell the Japanese what they like to hear and, to grant the trade carefree, bear everything"
Also from an instruction to the Chief Nicolaes Couckebacker (May 1633 Kol, Arch. no. 759)
"That he (Couckebacker) behaves himself in all his actions and in civilian contacts, to all and everyone, be it big or small, to compromise himself, that he is beloved and pleased by the Japanese nation, which is of great glorious condition itself and cannot stand grandeur or haughty behavior from foreigners" (Gen. Miss. August 15, 1633).
The stories, which these as from the air fallen fellow countrymen could cough up, were pre-elementally suitable to appeal to one's imagination and were a joy to hear. They knew after all to tell something about an eastern country where, as far known, no other European has been. The castaways could however tell about their thirteen-year experiences, during which they had almost complete freedom, the story of the lives that they and their companions had lived. Starting with the shipwreck and the life they lead on the island and after that about their lives on the mainland of Korea. These stories will have been followed with suspense. The story of the experiences, their adventurous flight and especially their meeting with a fellow countryman, who stranded a quarter century before them in Korea, will have made a deep impression.
Also many questions will have been arisen, which arise automatically by reading the Journal. Many question will unfortunately never been answered, since they are lost in time. Also will the castaways have eagerly listened what their fellow countrymen Deshima could tell about what had happened in Holland and the Indies, since the "Sperwer" had sailed from Batavia, the extensive note written down at the in Nagasaki kept Daily Register ( 1) and the official message (1) to the government in Batavia are still witnessing fact that fate of fugitives raised compassionate reactions with both their countrymen as Japanese government.
It may be assumed that their stay at Deshima will have been made as comfortable possible. However this islet couldn't be anything else but the first and welcome stopping place on way back to Batavia Holland; with raising impatience they waited for the coming departure of the ship and hoping to make the trip Batavia.
They however had not counted on the Japanese "precisiteyt" [preciseness]. In the Patr. Miss. April 26, 1650 we can read: "He [the chief Elseracq] apprehending more and more the great preciseness of the nation, which we have to follow in order to stand there well." - "how well we are laid down and subjected by many problems because of the great preciseness of the Japanese regents which, because of the timidity of the interpreters - stemming from their incompetence - rather burdened more, has been partly proven to your honorable during his presence here. " (Memorandum for the noble E. Martinus Caesar, Nagasaki November 2, 1670).
However, before they were brought to the Dutch branch in Nagasaki, submitted an interrogation. See for this Journal, but also following witnesses this: ".... Then being entered in Japan is read the letter of the General and the councils [and] sent thither [those from] April 30, also that of May 9, July 5 and 20, 1667, for the answer to that by the chief Daniel Six and the council there of October 12 and 22 thereupon following, Still the questions help up by the Governor of Nangasacki [to] the 8 persons in Corea [who] have been that long imprisoned and detained and the answers by the same given to that, Also that what in the general letters of the General and the councils from that is quoted. The conceived [documents] of the Lords clerks. [Is] in the same way done" (Verbatim report held from the affair by the lords Commissars from respectively Chambers of the East Indian Company here in these Countries... here in 's Gravenhage [the Hague] assembled etc., Friday the 29th of March 1669. Nat. Arch. number 301.
This interrogation was sent to the government in Edo receive permission leave Japan (1,2). The result of this bureaucracy was that they remained inhabitants Deshima for one year longer. Instead of sailing on October 23, 1666 with the "Esperance" to Batavia, the castaways could only see this ship leave with sadness in their hearts; the necessary permission stayed away (1, 2 ).
Since there were no reports about the castaways in Korea, it took longer before it was discovered that they had escaped. We have to take a look at Gari Ledyard and Yi Pyongdo again. Here we find that Chong Yong, the one who was the commandant of the left Naval District of Chôlla-do, where the eight had escaped, conveniently didn't mention this fact to the Korean court. The first news about the escape came in through Tongnae, the small Japanese enclave in Pusan. There they receiver around the middle of November a message of the Daimyo of Tsushima that he was about to send a delegation. He wanted some information about some "Aranta" (a Korean corruption of the Japanese Oranda-jin, which was in its turn borrowed from the Portuguese Olanda) seamen, who had escaped from Korea. Of course this didn't go unnoticed and an investigation was started and a couple of days later a report was handed over to the King.
We can read in Ledyard that even though the Japanese received the castaways very well, they were also worried if there were no "Kirishitan" amongst them.
It can be imagined that the relation between Korean and Japan was a difficult one. After the Imjin Waeran or the Hideyoshi invasions it was evident that the Koreans were not so keen to do business with Japan. The lord of the Lord of Tsushima depended on the trade with Korea, since Tsushima is rather infertile. In the beginning the Hideyoshi invasions (1592 and1597) this stopped but was continued in 1609, mainly because of the efforts of the Lord of Tsushima who was supported by the court in Edo. Korea was not very happy with this but accepted very reluctantly to continue and emphasized restrictions. Commercial activities were to be strictly limited to the harbor of Tongnae (nowadays Pusan), where the Japanese were allowed to establish a lodge. On a yearly base only twenty-one ships were allowed: twenty for the Lord of Tsushima and one for his son and there were also conditions for extra trade if ambassadors were exchanged. Naturally were these limitations stricter than before the Hideyoshi invasions. Before there 50 ships were allowed and there were three harbors to land ashore. Also the number of goods to be traded were strictly limited, and considering the fact that the Dutch in Deshima already complained about the Japanese preciseness it can be only natural that the protocol they had to follow was complicated. For the Japanese and the Koreans it was unthinkable that the ruler of one state would be able to negotiate on equal terms. The King, nor the Shogun had never any correspondence with each other and the Lord of Tsushima corresponded therefore with the Assistant Director of the Board of Rites. But even here we find two intermediaries: the Magistrate of Tongnae on the Korean side and servants of the Daimyo on the other side. Due to the language barriers interpreters had to deal with daily matters. When something important came up, the Shogun and the King would appoint their own ambassadors, but these operated through existing channels and didn't exchange any information with each other as well. Of course both Central Governments kept a keen eye on what was going on.
Considering the fact that the Koreans wanted to maintain the status quo and the Daimyo wanted more trade, the fact that they didn't trust each other from the Korean side due to the Hideyoshi invasion, it can be imagined that there was high pressure on the diplomatic relations. Neither Tongnae, nor Tsushima could accomplish anything on his or her own account.
So when the fugitives came under the attention of both parties at the end of 1666, things weren't that easy. The Shogunate ordered the Tsushima Daimyo, So Yoshizane 素義真, to make inquiries about the former castaways, especially to find out if there were any Christians among them. In Ledyard we can read the extensive exchange of letters and the difficult diplomatic squabbling (Ledyard, page 87 - 92). Peculiar in this whole process is that the Koreans used Weltevree as a precedent to explain their lack of information to Japan and again that the Japanese considered the Dutch as their subjects.
Following Ledyard, it is understandable that, even though the representative of the V.O.C. asked oral and in writing for permission for the departure of the eight men (1 2 3), this was only issued at October 22 of the following year (1667). This permission ended their second captivity and gave them the opportunity to go aboard at the same day on the "Spreeuw". It was already ready to sail on the roadstead of Nagasaki ( 1 2 3 4 5). After a long waited time they arrived in Batavia on November 28, 1667. In the Daily registers of Batavia dated November 28, 1667 we can read the following: "arrived here from Japan the flute ships Spreeuw and the Witte Leeuw".
It is almost certain that the seven continued their journey to Holland also on the "Spreeuw". Bookkeeper Hendrick Hamel stayed in the Dutch Indies for the time being (1) It has the appearance they arrived back in Holland on July 20, 1668. In the issue of Saagman we can read: "We hoisted sail on December 28 Anno 1667 from Batavia, and after little adversity arrived on July 20, 1668 till Amsterdam." Only according to a message from the Heeren XVII to the Batavian Government only the ship "Amerongen" on July 20, 1668 "us well and safe approached." Moreover the "Amerongen" had sailed away from Batavia on December 24, 1667, therefore a week earlier than the "Spreeuw": ... "Are us well and safely approached, praise the Lord on May 18 the ships "het Wapen van Hoorn, Alphen and Constantia... furthermore on July 13 and 15 respectively the ships the Hollantsche tuijn, t Wapen van Middelburgh, Cattenburgh, Outshoorn, de Vrijheijt, Jonge Prins and the Spreeuw, as well as the 20th and 23rd thereupon following the Amerongen, the Tijger... and the 23rd and 25th of the same month praise the Lord, also safely arrived in 't Vlie the ships de Wassende Maen, Vlaerdingen and Loosduijnen. With the previously mentioned ships have become [received] your nobleness general letters of October 5, December 6, 23 and 31, all of the previous year 1667" (Patr. Miss. August 22, 1668). And in May 1668. "On May 18 arrived at Tessel 3 Dutch return ships like 't Wapen van Hoorn and Alphen for the Chamber of Amsterdam and Constantia for the Chamber of Enckhuijsen. Had left from Batavia on October 6, 1667.... Brought also that year another 8 Return Ships from Batavia and three from Ceylon were to follow.... Then came on Batavia's advice, that some Mates on Coeree from the ship Sparwer were salvaged, and a number of them had salvaged themselves with a little boat to Japan" (Hollantse Mercurius XIX, 1668, page 82 - 83).
This "advijs" [advice] had arrived with the "Esperance", already on November 30, 1666 in Batavia. In the coincidentally preserved "muster roles" for this trip of the "Amerongen" dated December 24, 1667 (Letter and papers coming over for the Chamber of Amsterdam, 1660 - 1668. Nat. Arch. number 1153), the seven castaways of "de Sperwer" don't appear under the 73 "gegageerden" [paid] nor under the "ongegageerde coppen" [not paid heads]. Somewhere else however is mentioned that the "Spreeuw arrived in these lands" on July 20, 1668. In the Hollantsche Mercurius we can read the following: "In these lands however arrived on July 15, 16 en 20,the following return ships from East-India as the Hollantsche Thuijn, 't Wapen van Middelburgh, Cattenburgh, Outshoorn, de Tijger and Dordrecht on December 7, 1667, de Vrijheijt, Jonge Prins and Amerongen on December 23, and the Jaght the Spreeuw sailed from Batavia on Januarij 1". (Hollantsche Mercurius, XIX, 1668, page 113). - On July 19, 1668 the Chamber of Amsterdam already reported to the government of Batavia the safe arrival of the "Hollantsche Tuijn", "'t Wapen van Middelburgh", the "Cattenburgh", the "Outshoorn", "de Vrijheijt", "de Jonge Prins" and the "Spreeuw"; and on July 24, that the "Amerongen had well arrived on the 20th of this month in Tessel." (Private letters from the Chamber of Amsterdam. Kol Arch. number 484). However this would have taken place, as the Heeren XVII wrote, on the 15th of that month. This contradiction can be explained to assume that the "Spreeuw" anchored on July 15, in Texel or in het Vlie and arrived on the 20th thereupon following in the harbor of destination.
One would overestimate the generosity of the V.O.C. by supposing that the former castaways would have been shipped as passengers this time; from Japan to Amsterdam they would have been part of the crew and have done work at sea, for which they would have received a normal pay. The appeal for compassion from the Batavian government, as the chief in Japan, Willem Volger did before them at his arrival in Batavia at the end of 1666, will have been without consequence ( 1). This Report was "dated the last of November" . (Verbatim Report Commissioners Gravenhage from March 1668. Nat. Arch. Number 301). Whenever a ship of the V.O.C. was lost, the pay of the crew stopped as off that moment, only to be started again as soon as they continued service. Such was the decided rule. In an article letter of the V.OC. dated on March, 8 1668. (Nederlands Indisch Plakaatboek II, page 265, 279). We read: Art. 42: "... such that each will run the perils of loosing his Monthly pay on the ship and all goods on which he sails, and therefore the same ship with its loaded goods (which God forbid) come to perish, also will loose al his Monthly pay". Art. 51: ".... And will the stipulated Monthly pay of all captured cease and stop off the time of their imprisonment, till they will have been relaxed [released]." Furthermore in a resolution of the Chamber of Amsterdam dated on November 20, 1653 "Monthly pay. Of the people of the remaining [meant is wrecked] ships to pay off the day of the remaining, of 1/. part as normal." Compare further the Resolution of April 9, 1669 (jaght de Jonker) and Resolution of January 23, 1690 (jaght de Zijp). Based on these rules Hamel and his seven companions received naught on their petition when they, appearing in the Counsel of the Indies on December 2, 1667, made the request for payment for their time of staying in Korea. They were only granted pay counted from the day they were brought to the factory in Nagasaki, for a few of them, the previously received pay was raised a few guilders for the return journey, but the generosity of the Batavian Government didn't go further than that. (1). Arrived back in Holland, they didn't succeed either to receive payment from the Heeren XVII. They tried again to claim this for the full period of stay in Korea; only out of "commiseratie" [compassion] a "gratuiteyt" [gratuity] was divided among them at the sum f 1530. (See 1 2).
The castaways, who succeeded un escaping from Korea, left eight companions of the "Sperwer" behind. To bring about their release the Chiefs in Nagasaki, Wilhelm Volger and after him Daniel Six, called in for help from the Japanese government ( 1). The relations that were maintained by Japan with Korea through the intervention of the Daimyo of the Japanese island Tsusima made such a "pieus officie" [pious office = hypocritical operation] possible ( 1).
The island Tsushima was already for some time a kind of intermediate between Korea and Japan, Griffis write about it:
"The Japanese government had always made use of Tsushima in its communications with the Coreans, and the agency at Fusan [Pusan] was composed almost exclusively of retainers of the feudal lord of this island" (Griffis, Corea, 1905, page 86).
When Hamel and his companions were interrogated after their arrival in Nagasaki, they had aired the opinion that the "Keijser" (this is the Shogun) should write to the Korean King and that the release of the remaining eight would be assured. ( 1) The Chief requested officially two times for such mediation. ( 1, 2). The Japanese seemed very reluctant to grant this request, till they were sure that these Dutchmen were not contaminated with some "Kirishitan". Reassured that such didn't seem to be the case, they were willing to grant this request. But like things were going slowly in the Dutch-Japanese relations the same was true for the Korean-Japanese relation. After they learned the the Japanese just wanted the Dutch back, the Koreans reacted fast enough. Again in Ledyard we find the documents which describes the final process and that, according to the Korean documents one of the remaining 8 had died.
In the official papers it is said that he died since the escape of his companions two years before. However Witsen writes: "The remaining are, by doing of the Emperor of Japan, on request of the Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Maetschappye, (V.O.C.) afterwards handed over, except one, who wanted to stay there" (Witsen, 1e dr., I, page 53, 2e dr. I, page 53.). As Witsen (2nd edition) writes that Eibokken said that he was still alive and had no hair on his body to be a Christian and Dutchmen. The stay-behinds were ordered to assemble in Namwon, and received new clothes there. Further it appeared that they received a coat, ten catty of rice, two pieces of linen and other presents.(Ledyard, page 95)
The Dutchmen left to Tongnae around the middle of June, but because of bad weather and "contraire winds" they didn't reach Nagasaki before September 16, 1668, almost two years after Hamel and his mates reached the same harbor. (See 1 2 3 4).
The aftermath of the arrogant attitude of the Japanese seems to have been a few years later powerful enough to prevent that the jaght Pouleron, when it was forced to anchor near Cheju-do (Quelpaerts-island in the following quote) because of a storm, was troubled and that the Chinese crew of a wrecked junk from Batavia, was taken into custody.
"The jaght Pouleron drifting off from the Schermer near the Island of Maccauw, has on July 26 and 27 on the northern latitude of around 30 degrees run into such a tremendous storm that it lost all its round wood except the mizzen mast, the bowsprit first by the wind, thrown backwards in the ship, being followed by the jib mast and the day after also the big mast because of the terrible swaying; on the Queelpt. have straightened their stumps and are thus, [sailing] between the Islands of Gotto, thank God, come into hereon August 13,"...... "Pouleron that has been anchoring on Queelpaert and through the islands geboucheert [bow-ed =sailed]". (Missive Nagasaki to Batavia October 19, 1670) and "th' first junk from Batavia sailed there, were freely reported to be wrecked on Corree and from it around 40 Chineesen have arrived in Gotto and that the others were taken into custody in Corree" furthermore: "We have written your honorable lately that the junk, departed from Batavia, wrecked on Corree and some people from there landed on Gotto; since then th'other Chinese did also come in with a prepared ship with such salvaged trade [goods] as estimated according to the junks book on 13000 Tael [worth]; one tells us that these people have been on a country of Corree or an island which stands under Japanese control. T' is apparent that they will equip here again and come to Batavia" (Missive Nagasaki to Batavia November 1, 1670).
After being interrogated, like their predecessors, by the Japanese authorities in Nagasaki about Korea and the trade of the Japanese with that realm, the seven released Dutchmen received permission to leave Japan. To reinforce the crew, the chief placed them aboard of the "Nieuwpoort" (see 1 2 3 4 and Daily Reg. Bat. 1668 page 204.), which hoisted sail on October 27, 1668 and left Nagasaki to sail via Coromandel to Batavia. "By coincidence" the plan to transfer them at Pulu Timon to the "Buijenskerke", which left at the same time from Nagasaki straight to Batavia, didn't take place. That's why they will have arrived only on April 8, 1669 in Batavia. In de Daily Registers of Batavia 1668 (page 301) we see on April 8, written: "arrives the flute Nieuwpoort from Coromandel". While the "Buijenskerke" would have brought them there already on November 30, 1668, since the Daily Register of Batavia 1668 (page 203) mention: "In the evening the flute Buijenskercke arrives from Japan". When and with which ship the second group made its journey to Holland could not be found. Presumably Hendrick Hamel, who stayed behind in Batavia, joined them there.
In August 1670 two of them, together with Hendrick Hamel, appeared before the Heeren XVII, to request payment during their imprisonment in Korea, like their in 1668 returned companions. The result was that they had to be satisfied to be treated like their partners in misfortune in 1669: with a gift in money they were put off.
Their release from their internment has caused understandably less sensation than that of their predecessors. It was even forgotten into such extend that the author of a standard work about Korea, in which a complete chapter is devoted to the Dutch exiles, thought that nothing about their fate has ever been known:Griffis a, Corea, 1905, Chapter XXII, The Dutchmen in exile (page 176): "The fate of the other of the Sparrowhawk crew was never known. Perhaps it never be learned as it is not likely that the Coreans would take any pains to mark the site of their graves".
Even J.D. Pieter van Dam seems to have known nothing about their release and return. See his unpublished description of the V.O.C.:
"Eight Dutchmen with a vessel arrived from the Coreese islands to Gotto and being sent by the Lord of the country to Nagasacki in th' year 1653 on Quelpaarts eijland wrecked with th' jagt the Sperwer and where from them 16 people strong had salvaged themselves from Corea. According to their pretending they have been treated very poorly by those of Corea, transported from one to the other island, in as such that having been roaming around there for thirteen years, 20 of the same have died, and from where the previously mentioned eight with a small fisherman's vessel are escaped and the other eight remained there ... The previously eight Dutchmen from Corea released, after that they in Japan very carefully on everything were questioned, the same pertinently was recorded and sent to the Court, and thereupon her demise [=permission to leave], are from there also departed to Batavia".
Van Dam doesn't speak about the "there still remaining" castaways.
Also in K. Guetzlaff in his "Reizen langs de kusten van China" (Travels along the coast of China) (page 250) we read:"More than two centuries ago a Dutch ship stranded along this coast; the crew was kept imprisoned for several years, until one escaped and made his adventures known in Amsterdam."
To conclude writes M.N. Trollope in a foreword with the edition of Hamel's Journal in "Transactions Corea Branch "(R.A.S. IX, 1918 page 94-95)
"To those who hail from Great Britain it is of special interest to know that one of the unfortunate mariners who did not succeed in making his escape was "Alexander Bosquet, a Scotchman". One wonders if his tomb or those of any of his mates will ever come to light, as that of Will Adams did in Japan".
Obviously one still thought that Sander Basket was a Scot, while he just came from Lith, a village in Holland on the banks of the Meuse near the German border.
Here and there in Korea locals have been found with blond hair and blue eyes, which could be taken as descendants of the castaways, if it would have been established that no other white seafarers have landed there, who have also had contact or intercourse with the women of the country. In the beginning of the 20th century we still find in several sources:
"The only relics of these unfortunate captives so far discovered have been two Dutch vases unearthed in Seoul in 1886. The natives knew nothing of their origin, beyond a vague belief that they were of foreign manufacture. The figures on them, however, told their own tale of Dutch farm-life, and the worn rings of the handles bore marks of the constant usage of years. We may well fancy them to be the last of the household goods of the shipwrecked Wetteree, who, like Will Adams of Japanese history, lived and died a captive exile, though the honored guest and adviser of the king and government The presence of these captive Dutchmen in Corea may perhaps explain what must always seem an anomaly among Asiatic races, namely blue eyes and fair hair. These peculiarities have been Frequently observed by travelers in various parts of the peninsula exciting comment and conjecture without, hitherto, any definite explanation" (J, Scott, Stray notes on Corean history etc., Journal China Branch R, A. S., New Ser. X XVIII, 1893-94 page 215).
The origin of these blond haired countrymen was still a mystery; the stay of Hamel and his companions left no remaining impression. "During my stay at Tchae-Tchiou [September 28 - October 3, 1888] I asked frequently information about Hamel. But all memories of his visit are disappeared with the generation who saw them" (Chaille-Long-Bey, La Coree ou Tchosen, page 46). It was known for the first time again through the westerners. In the NRC Handelsblad from January 4, 1988 we read however:
Already for six years Tae Jin Kim spends a big part of his free time with researching the descendants of the 17-century Dutch crew who shipwrecked and washed ashore at an island off the coast. According to him they married during their long stay in Chôlla with Korean women and provided an offspring of mixed blood.
"People are dismayed, yes even deeply shocked, when I only suggest that they might have descended from the Hollanders " says Tae. I've yet not found anybody who wants to admit it, though I'm almost certain for 100% that they have Dutch blood in their veins."
Unfortunately Kim Tae Jin put nothing in writing and in the meantime he died. Personal conversation with people from Pyôngyông however show that some of them are convinced that they are descendants of the Dutch but never will admit that openly. Personally I saw that at least most of the older people there have blue eyes, not bright blue, but brownish blue. However no blond hair. In Yosu I found, while I went to the harbor I saw a small boy, the crown of his hair was blond. From a personal correspondence with one of the people from Pyongyong we read the following:
Around sixty or seventy years after Dutchmen departed from Pyôngyông, Sir.Woo Jae published a world map first time as a local scholar. Of course, he comes from Pyôngyông.
He transcribes from a Korean book called T'am Jin mun hwa (no publisher known, obviously a Xeroxed compilation of papers presented at a lecture about Hamel)
Dr.Kim, Tae Jin focused on researching 'which Korean last name Dutchmen used', 'how they made a living in Pyôngyông', and 'what their relationships to local people were'. Probable last names they might use are either "Nam" or "Nam-koong" in fact; a written record has it that one of the Nam family's ancestors made an effort to develop firearms.
According to Late Park, Yong Hoo, several skeletal bones were found at
"Melke" Beach 60 or 70 years ago. These bones must have belonged to the Westerners based on their size.
Mr.Kim, Bong Ok believed that Hamel and his gangs could have lived at Prince Kwanghae's house in Cheju.
Dr.Choi, Sang Soo suspects that Dutchmen may have lived somewhere near the 'Su So Moon' Dong in Seoul because the training school where they were assigned (for a post) is located in 'Dong Dae Moon' Stadium.
Continuation of Chapter III: The journal of Hamel and other documents